Purpose:

Throughout the semester, you will be required to read Primary and Secondary Source material and write up individual answers to questions based on those documents. The purpose of these assignments is to assess the student’s ability to effectively analyze a question, gather appropriate information from the source or sources at hand, as write a well organized, college/university level answer that reflects the basic expectations of a history survey course. Each paper submitted is worth 75 points.

Expectations:

Answers are to be in complete sentences and written in a manner demonstrating college-level communication skills. Answers that consist of one or two sentences are generally not indicative of excellent work and will be graded accordingly. Answers that consist of several paragraphs but lacking in critical analysis and proper support are also not indicative of excellent work and will be graded accordingly. Be sure to support your answers/arguments with appropriate examples/quotes from the sources. ***Proofread your work before final submittal.

Submittal:

The paper must be submitted to the Dropbox by the specific due date. **Remember, no late assignments will be accepted. Each paper will be automatically submitted to TurnItIn to check for plagiarism, so be sure to use quotes and cites accordingly.

Formatting:

For these modest writing assignments, the following formatting guidelines apply:

1). Please put your name on this paper.

2). Paper must be typed.

3). 1-inch margins should be used.

4). 12-point font should be used

5). For each source, identify the source at the top of the page, Copy and Paste, or, write out each question. Then, provide your answer directly after the posted question.

BOSTON MASSACRE 25 PTS.Document A1. Who was Thomas Preston?2. When was it written?3. Why was it written?4. According to this document, what happened at the Boston Massacre?5. According to this document, who was responsible for the Boston Massacre?6. How trustworthy is this account of what happened at the Boston Massacre? Explain yourreasoning.Document B1. Who was Samuel Drowne?2. What kind of document is this?3. When was this document created?4. According to this document, what happened at the Boston Massacre?5. According to this document, who was responsible for the Boston Massacre?6. How trustworthy is this account of what happened at the Boston Massacre? Explain yourreasoning.7. Based on these documents, which document do you think provides a more trustworthy account ofwhat happened at the Boston Massacre? Why?DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 25 PTS.1. Who all is Jefferson declaring this Independence to?2. What is the purpose of the Declaration of Independence as stated in the introductory paragraph?3. Why was justifying the revolution so necessary?4. What groups did the Continental Congress hope to sway by this document?5. List in your own words three things that Jefferson accuses the King and/or Parliament of doing?6. What references does Jefferson have to a ‘higher power’ in the Declaration?JEFFERSON AND HAMILTON 25 PTS.1. In Hamilton’s opinion, what was the best way for people to work and make a good living?2. In Jefferson’s opinion what is the best way for people to work and make a good living?3. How did the views of Hamilton and Jefferson differ on the issue of Military Power?4. How did the views of Hamilton & Jefferson differ on the issue of a National Bank?5. In Hamilton’s opinion with which country should the U.S. be allies (friends)?6. In Jefferson’s opinion with which country should the U.S. be allies (friends)?7. According to Hamilton who should be in charge of the government?8. According to Jefferson should be in charge of the government?

The declaration of independence reading

In Congress, July 4, 1776.The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America, When in the Course ofhuman events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which haveconnected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equalstation to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinionsof mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by theirCreator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit ofHappiness.–That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their justpowers from the consent of the governed, –That whenever any Form of Government becomesdestructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute newGovernment, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as tothem shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate thatGovernments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly allexperience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than toright themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train ofabuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them underabsolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide newGuards for their future security.–Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such isnow the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history ofthe present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in directobject the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submittedto a candid world.He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspendedin their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected toattend to them.He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless thosepeople would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them andformidable to tyrants only.He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from thedepository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with hismeasures.He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions onthe rights of the people.He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby theLegislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise;the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, andconvulsions within.He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws forNaturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raisingthe conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishingJudiciary powers.He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount andpayment of their salaries.He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass our people,and eat out their substance.He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, andunacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which they should commit onthe Inhabitants of these States:For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offencesFor abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein anArbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fitinstrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally theForms of our Governments:For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for usin all cases whatsoever.He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection andNor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish brethren. We have warned them from time totime of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have remindedthem of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their nativejustice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavowthese usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They toohave been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in thenecessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies inWar, in Peace Friends.We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled,appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, andby Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these UnitedColonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from allAllegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of GreatBritain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have fullPower to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Actsand Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with afirm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, ourFortunes and our sacred Honor.GeorgiaButton GwinnettLyman HallGeorge WaltonNorth CarolinaWilliam HooperJoseph HewesJohn PennSouth CarolinaEdward RutledgeThomas Heyward, Jr.Thomas Lynch, Jr.Arthur MiddletonMassachusettsJohn HancockMarylandSamuel ChaseWilliam PacaThomas StoneCharles Carroll of CarrolltonVirginiaGeorge WytheRichard Henry LeeThomas JeffersonBenjamin HarrisonThomas Nelson, Jr.Francis Lightfoot LeeCarter BraxtonPennsylvaniaRobert MorrisBenjamin RushBenjamin FranklinJohn MortonGeorge ClymerJames SmithGeorge TaylorJames WilsonGeorge RossDelawareCaesar RodneyGeorge ReadThomas McKeanNew YorkWilliam FloydPhilip LivingstonFrancis LewisLewis MorrisNew JerseyRichard StocktonJohn WitherspoonFrancis HopkinsonJohn HartAbraham ClarkNew HampshireJosiah BartlettWilliam WhippleMassachusettsSamuel AdamsJohn AdamsRobert Treat PaineElbridge GerryRhode IslandStephen HopkinsWilliam ElleryConnecticutRoger ShermanSamuel HuntingtonWilliam WilliamsOliver WolcottNew HampshireMatthew Thornton

The Boston Massacre

Document A: Thomas PrestonOn Monday Night about Eight o'Clock two Soldiers were attacked and beat. But theParty of the Towns-People in order to carry Matters to the utmost Length, broke into twoMeeting-Houses and rang the Alarm Bells, which I supposed was for Fire as usual, butwas soon undeceived. About Nine some of the Guard came to and informed me, theTown Inhabitants were assembling to attack the Troops, and that the Bells were ringingas the Signal for that Purpose and not for Fire, and the Beacon intended to be fired tobring in the distant People of the Country. This, as I was Captain of the Day, occasionedmy repairing immediately to the Main-Guard. In my Way there I saw the People in greatCommotion, and heard them use the most cruel and horrid Threats against the Troops.In a few Minutes after I reached the Guard, about an hundred People passed it andwent towards the Custom-House where the King's Money is lodged. They immediatelysurrounded the Sentinel posted there, and with Clubs and other weapons threatened toexecute their Vengeance on him. I was soon informed by a Townsman their Intentionwas to carry off the Soldier from his Post and probably murder him. On which I desiredhim to return for further Intelligence, and he soon came back and assured me he heardthe Mob declare they would murder him. This I feared might be a Prelude to theirplundering the King's Chest. I immediately sent a non-commissioned Officer and twelveMen to protect both the Sentinel and the King's Money, and very soon followed myselfto prevent (if possible) all Disorder; fearing lest the Officer and Soldiery, by the Insultsand Provocations of the Rioters, should be thrown off their Guard and commit somerash Act. They soon rushed through the People, and by charging their Bayonets in halfCircle, kept them at a little distance. Nay, so far was I from intending the Death of anyPerson that I suffered the Troops to go to the Spot where the unhappy Affair took Placewithout any Loading in their Pieces; nor did I ever give Orders for loading them. Thisremiss Conduct in me perhaps merits Censure; yet it is Evidence, resulting from theNature of Things, which is the best and surest that can be offered, that my Intention wasnot to act offensively, but the contrary Part, and that not without Compulsion. The Mobstill increased and were more outrageous, striking their Clubs or Bludgeons one againstanother, and calling out, “come on you Rascals, you bloody Backs, you LobsterScoundrels; fire if you dare, G-d damn you, fire and be damn’d; we know you dare not,”and much more such Language was used. At this Time I was between the Soldiers andthe Mob, parleying with, and endeavouring all in my Power to persuade them to retirepeaceably; but to no Purpose. They advanced to the Points of the Bayonets, strucksome of them and even the Muzzles of the Pieces, and seemeda general Attack was made on the Men by a great Number of heavy Clubs, and SnowBallsbeing thrown at them, by which all our Lives were in imminent Danger; somePersons at the same Time from behind calling out, “Damn your Bloods, why don't youfire?” Instantly three or four of the Soldiers fired, one after another, and directly afterthree more in the same Confusion and Hurry.The Mob then ran away, except three unhappy Men who instantly expired, in whichnumber was Mr. Gray, at whose Rope-Walk the prior Quarrel took Place; one more issince dead, three others are dangerously, and four slightly wounded. The Whole of thismelancholy Affair was transacted in almost 20 minutes. On my asking the Soldiers whythey fired without Orders, they said they heard the Word “Fire,” and supposed it camefrom me. This might be the Case, as many of the Mob called out “Fire, fire,” but Iassured the Men that I gave no such Order, that my Words were, “Don't fire, stop yourFiring:” In short, it was scarce possible for the Soldiers to know who said fire, or don'tfire, or stop your Firing.Source: The Case of Capt. Preston of the 29th Regiment, Public Advertiser(London), April 28, 1770

Document B: Samuel DrowneSamuel Drowne, of Boston, of lawful age, testifieth and saith, that bout nine of the clockof the evening of the fifth day of March current, standing at his own door in Cornhill, sawabout fourteen or fifteen soldiers of the 29th regiment, who came from Murray’s barrack,some of whom were armed with naked cutlasses, swords, or bayonets, others withclubs, fire shovels, or tongs, and came upon the inhabitants of the town, then standingor walking in Corhill, and abused some and violently assaulted others as they met them,most of whom were without so much as a stick in their hands to defend themselves, asthe deponent very clearlycould discern, it being moon-light, and himself being one of theasaulted persons. All or most of the said soldiers he saw go by the way of Cornhill,Crooked lan, and Royal Exchange lane into King street, and there followed them, andsoon discovered them to be quarrelling and fighting with people whom they saw there,which the deponent thinks were not more than a dozen, when the most of them weregentlemen, standing together a little soldiers came there first, armed as aforesaid. Ofthose dozen people, the Town-house upon the Exchange. At the appearance of thosesoldiers so armed, the most of the twelve persons went off, some of them being firstassaulted. After which the said soldiers were observed by the deponent to go towardsthe main guard, from whence were at the same time issuing and coming into Kingstreet, five soldiers of said guard a corporal armed with firelocks, who called out to thefore-mentioned soldiers armed with cutlasses, &c., and said to them, “Go away,” onwhich they dispersed and went out of King street, sone one way and some another —by this time were collected together in King street about two hundred people and thenthe deponent stood upon the steps of the Exchange tavern, being the next house to theCustom-house; and soon after saw Capt. Preston, whom he well knew, with a numberof soliders armed with firelocks, draw up near the west corner of the Custom-house; andat that instant the deponent thinks so great a part of the people were dispersed at thesight of the armed soliders, as that not more than twenty or thirty remained in Kingstreet; those who did remain being mostly sailors and other persons meanly dressed,called out to the armed soldiers and dared them to fire, upon which the deponent heardCapt. Preston say to the soldiers, “Damn your bloods! why don’t you fire?” The soldiersnot regarding those words of their captain, he immediately said, “Fire.” Upon which theyfired irregularly, pointing their guns variously in a part of a circle as they stood: duringthe time of the soliders firing, the deponent saw the flashes of two gunes fired from theCustom-house, one of which was out of a window of the chamber westward of thebalcony and the other from the balcony, the gun which he clearly discerned beingpointed through the ballisters, and the person who held the gun in a stooping posture,withdraw himself into the house, having a handkerchief or some kind of cloth over hisface. After this the deponent assisted in carrying off the dead and wounded, as soonsas the soldiers would permit the people so to do, for at first they were cruel enough toobstruct the carrying them off.SAMUEL DROWNE.Source: Summary of the sworn testimony of Samuel Drowne, March 16,1770.

Jefferson and Hamilton

JEFFERSON AND HAMILTONIssue/Topic: ECONOMYFrom: Report on Manufactures written to the Second Congress (December 5, 1791), byAlexander Hamilton“This is not among the least valuable of the means, by which manufacturing institutions contributeto augment the general stock of industry and production. In places where those institutions prevail,besides the persons regularly engaged in them, they afford occasional and extra employment toindustrious individuals and families, who are willing to devote the leisure resulting from the intermissionsof their ordinary pursuits to collateral labours, as a resource of multiplying their acquisitions or [their]enjoyments. The husbandman himself experiences a new source of profit and support from the encreasedindustry of his wife and daughters; invited and stimulated by the demands of the neighboringmanufactories.“Besides this advantage of occasional employment to classes having different occupations, there isanother of a nature allied to it [and] of a similar tendency. This is – the employment of a persons whowould otherwise be idle (and in many cases a burthen on the community), either from the byass of temper,habit, infirmity of body, or some other cause, indisposing, or disqualifying them for the toils of theCountry.”

Issue/Topic: ECONOMYFrom: Notes on the State of Virginia (1785), by Thomas Jefferson“Lands in Europe were either cultivated or ‘locked up against the cultivator,’ and manufacturingwas resorted to in order to support the surplus of people. On the other hand, in America there was ‘animmensity of land courting the industry of the husbandman.’ Jefferson continued, ‘Those who labour inthe earth are the chosen people of God, if ever he had a chosen people, whose breasts he has made hispeculiar deposit for the substantial and genuine virtue… While we have land to labour then, let us neverwish to see our citizens occupied at a work-bench. Or twirling a distaff. Carpenters, masons, smiths, arewanting in husbandry: but, for the general operations of manufacture, let our work-shops remain inEurope. …The mobs of great cities add just so much to the support of pure government, as sores do thestrength of the human body. It is the manners and spirit of a people which preserve a republic in vigour.’ ”

Issue/Topic: MILITARY POWERFrom: Letter to Jonathan Dayton (November 1799), by Alexander Hamilton“Our naval force ought to be completed to six Ships of the line Twelve frigates and twenty foursloops of War. More at this juncture would be disproportioned to our resources. Less would be inadequateto the end to be accomplished.“Our Military force should for the present be kept upon its actual footing; making provision for areenlistment of the men for five years in the event of a settlement of differences with France—with thiscondition that in case of peace between Great Britain France and Spain, the U. States being then also atpeace, all the Privates of twelve additional Regiments of Infantry and of the Regiments of Dragoonsexceeding Twenty to a Company shall be disbanded. The corps of Artillerists may be left to retain thenumbers which it shall happen to have; but without being recruited until the number of privates shall fallbelow the standard of the Infantry & Dragoons. A power ought to be given to the President to augmentthe four Old Regiments to their War Establishmnt…“The Institution of a Military Academy will be an auxiliary of great importance. “Manufactories of every article, the woolen parts of cloathing included, which are essential to thesupply of the army ought to be established.”

Issue/Topic: MILITARY POWERFrom: Letter to Elbridge Gerry (January 26, 1799), by Thomas Jefferson“I am for a government rigorously frugal & simple, applying all the possible savings of the publicrevenue to the discharge of the national debt; and not for a multiplication of officers & salaries merely tomale partisans, & for increasing, by every device, the public debt, on the principle of it’s being a publicblessing. I am for relying, for internal defence, on our militia solely, till actual invasion, and for such anaval force only as may protect our coasts and harbors from such depredations as we have experienced;and not for a standing army in time of peace, which may overawe the public sentiment; nor for a navy,which, by it’s own expenses and the eternal wars in which it will implicate us with public burthens, &sink us under them.”

Issue/Topic: NATIONAL BANKFrom: Report on a National Bank (to Congress on December 14, 1790), by Alexander Hamilton“It is a fact well understood, that public Banks have found admission and patronage among theprincipal and most enlightened commercial nations. They have successively obtained in Italy, Germany,Holland, England, and France, as well as the United States. And it is a circumstance, which cannot buthave considerable weight, in a candid estimate of their tendency, that after an experience of centuries,there exists not a question about their util[ity] in the countries in which they have been so longestablished…“The following are among the principal advantages of a Bank.First. The augmentation of the active or productive capital of a country. Gold and Silver, whenthey are employed merely as the instruments of exchange and alienation, have been not improperlydenominated dead Stock; but when deposited in Banks, to become the basis of a paper circulation, whichtakes their character and place, as the signs or representatives of value, they then acquire life, or, in otherwords, an active and productive quality.”

Issue/Topic: NATIONAL BANKFrom: Opinion on the Constutionality of Establishing a National Bank (February 15, 1791), byThomas Jefferson“… I consider the foundation of the Constitution as laid on this ground that ‘all powers notdelegated to the U.S. by the Constitution, not prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states or tothe people’ [Xth. Amendmt.]. To take a single step beyond the boundaries thus specially drawn aroundthe power of Congress, is to take possession of a boundless field of power, no longer susceptible of anydefinition.“The incorporation of a bank, and other powers assumed by this bill have not, it my opinion, beendelegated to the U.S. by the Constitution.I. They are not among the powers specially enumerated, for these are:1. A power to lay taxes for the purpose of paying the debts of the U.S. But no debt is paid by thisbill, nor any tax laid. Were it a bill to raise money, it’s origination in the Senate would condemn it by theconstitution

Issue/Topic: FOREIGN RELATIONS/FOREIGN POLICYFrom: Letter to Edward Harrington (May 20, 1792), by Alexander Hamilton“In respect to our foreign politics the views of these Gentlemen are in my judgment equallyunsound & dangerous. They have a womanish attachment to France and a womanish resentment againstGreat Britain. They would draw us into the closest embrace of the former and involve us in all theconsequences of her politics, and they would risk the peace of the country in their endeavors to keep us atthe greatest possible distance from the latter. This disposition goes to a length particularly in Mr.Jefferson of which, till lately, I had no adequate Idea. Various circumstances prove to me that if theseGentlemen were left to pursue their own course there would be in less than six months an open Warbetween the U States and Great Britain.”

Issue/Topic: FOREIGN RELATIONS/FOREIGN POLICYFrom: Letter to George Mason (February 4, 1791), by Jefferson“I look with great anxiety for the firm establishment of the new government in France, beingperfectly convinced that if it takes place there, it would spread sooner or later all over Europe. On thecontrary a check there would retard the revival of liberty in other countries. I consider the establishmentand success of their government as necessary to stay up our own and to prevent it from falling back to thatkind of Half-way house, the English constitution.”

Topic/Issue: WHO SHOULD RULE?From: Hamilton’s Speech to the Constitutional Convention (June 18, 1787), by Alexander Hamilton“All communities divide themselves into the few and the many. The first are the rich and wellborn,the other the mass of the people. The voice of the people has been said to be the voice of God; andhowever generally this maxim has been quoted and believed, it is not true in fact. The people are turbulentand changing; they seldom judge or determine right. Give therefore the first class a distinct, permanentshare in the government. They will check the unsteadiness of the second, and as they cannot receive anyadvantage by a change they therefore will ever maintain good government. Can a democratic assembly,who annually revolve in the mass of the people be supposed steadily to pursue the public good? Nothingbut a permanent body can check the imprudence of democracy. Their turbulent and uncontroulingdisposition requires checks.

Topic/Issue: WHO SHOULD RULE?From: Letter to James Madison (December 20, 1787 after returning from several years in France)by Thomas Jefferson“After all, it is my principle that the will of the Majority should always prevail. If they approve theproposed Convention in all its parts I shall concur in a cheerfully, in hopes that they will amend itwhenever they shall find it work wrong. I think our governments will remain virtuous for many centuries;as long as they are chiefly agricultural; and this will be as long as there shall be vacant lands in any part ofAmerica. When they get piled upon one another in large cities, as in Europe, they will become corrupt, asin Europe. Above all things I hope the education of the common people will be attended to; convincedthat on their good sense we may rely with the most security for the preservation of a due degree ofliberty.